| Statement by H.E. Ambassador Hu Xiaodi at the First Committee of the 55th General Assembly (October, 2000) |
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| 2004/04/16 |
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Mr. Chairman,
First of all, please allow me to congratulate you on your assumption of chairmanship of the First Committee of 55th UNGA. I am convinced that with your experience and diplomatic skills, you will guide this session to a success. The Chinese delegation would like to assure you of its full cooperation with you and other members of the bureau, and we will make our contribution to the success of the committee. I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express my appreciation for the excellent work of the chairman of last session, Ambassador Gonzalez.
Mr. Chairman,
This session is held at the turn of the century and the dawn of a new millennium. International arms control and disarmament process has come to a crucial crossroads. The international situation is undergoing profound changes. Despite twists and turns, multipolarization is gaining momentum, and economic globalization brings about closer economic and trade ties between states. Meanwhile, negative factors affecting global and regional peace and stability still exist and even grow. The world is far from being tranquil. Certain country tends to pursue unilateralism in international affairs and attempts to seek absolute security with the backing of its military, scientific and technological superiority. This hampers the sound, sustained development of the international disarmament process.
History tells us, security is both relative and mutual. One country can achieve security in its real sense only if it bases its own security on the common security of all countries. Nowadays, with frequent communications and closer ties between states, countries in the world increasingly share more common interest while facing more common challenges. Interdependence between states has reached an unprecedented level in depth and scope. Under such circumstances, attempts to seek so-called "absolute security"for oneself at the expense of the security of others will definitely go nowhere and benefit nobody.
The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), signed by the United States and the former Soviet Union in 1972, constitutes a cornerstone of global strategic stability, and goes far beyond the US-Russia bilateral relationship in its significance. This treaty has direct bearings on the security interest of all countries, and should be strictly observed. Any move in violation of the ABM treaty, whatever disguise it takes, will undermine global strategic balance and stability, jeopardize trust between states, and produce far-reaching negative impacts on international peace, security and multilateral disarmament and arms control process.
The 54th UN General Assembly adopted a resolution titled "reservation of and Compliance with the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty". This resolution demonstrates that most countries in the world hope to maintain global strategic balance and stability. They wish to keep intact the efforts and achievements in the field of arms control, disarmament and nonproliferation since the end of the Cold War. They are reluctant to see the trust and cooperation between states being jeopardized by the national missile defense system (NMD). We have taken note of the recent decision by President Clinton not to deploy a national missile defense system at this time. We think this is a wise decision. Meanwhile, we have also noticed that the NMD program has not yet been given up, and the research and development of this system is now still intensifying. As an important forum for international security and disarmament, the UNGA First Committee should pay serious attention to this issue.
At this UNGA session, China will join Russia, Belarus and other countries in submitting a draft resolution on ABM treaty for the second time. We expect more countries to support this draft resolution, so as to contribute to the maintenance of global strategic balance and stability in a spirit of sincerity and cooperation. We also hope that the United States will heed the appeals of the international community, consult other countries on this issue, and drop the NMD program as soon as possible, which is in nobody's interest.
Outer space is the common property of mankind, and the peaceful exploitation of outer space is the common aspiration of humanity. The prevention of an arms race and the prohibition of weapon systems in outer space will not only exempt outer space from wars, but also be crucial for maintaining the peace, security and stability on the earth. Some people claim that there is no arms race in outer space at present. But what worries us is that certain country is trying to seek military superiority in outer space and strategic superiority on the earth through outer space. Should this negative trend not be checked, there will be the weaponization of or even an arms race in outer space in the near future. History tells us that a stitch in time saves nine. The significance of arms control is to prevent the emergence of weapon systems that may undermine the global stability and to prevent the arms race triggered by such weapon systems. Whether or not there is an arms race at this stage in outer space should not constitute the factor deciding whether or not the international community should pay attention to the danger of outer space weaponization and arms race. Still less should it be an excuse for certain country to block the negotiations leading to the conclusion of legal instruments on the prevention of an arms race in outer space. Mankind will pay a high price if it takes action only after the arms race in outer space becomes reality. In this connection, we are pleased to note that, at the recent UN Millennium Summit, President Putin of the Russian Federation proposed convening an international conference in 2001 on the prevention of the militarization of outer space. We support this initiative and expect the international community to make positive responses.
Mr. Chairman,
The changes in the international situation have once again highlighted the missile issue. Though having different views on the threat posed by missiles, more and more countries have realized that missile has become an urgent issue for the international community to address. China holds that missile is a complex global issue, any unilateral approach or measures detrimental to global strategic stability will only aggravate rather than resolve the problem. Adoption of cartel-style control measures, which is discriminatory by nature, does not offer a long-term solution, though it may ease the problem temporarily. To resolve this issue fundamentally, all countries, especially military powers and military groups, should strictly abide by the UN Charter and other norms governing international relations, and seek to settle international disputes by peaceful means and refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. This will create a favorable international security environment necessary for the resolution of the missile issue. Second, an open, non-discriminatory global missile control regime should be established to provide uniform international criteria to guide the practice of all countries. We support the UN, the most representative international organization, to play its role in examining all aspects of the missile issue in a comprehensive and objective manner.
Mr. Chairman,
The successful conclusion of the Sixth Review Conference of NPT is a major event in the field of international security and arms control this year. This conference adopted a Final Document, the first time over the past 15 years. After the international nuclear nonproliferation regime has suffered a series of heavy blows, such as the nuclear tests in South Asia and the rejection of CTBT ratification by a major country, a successful NPT review conference is even more important. It demonstrates the common will and determination of the international community to preserve the system of international arms control and non-proliferation legal instruments. The outcome of the conference will help promote the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation process.
In the Sixth NPT Review Conference, the five nuclear-weapon states, for the first time in history, made collective and unequivocal commitment to eliminate their nuclear arsenals, and pledged not to target their nuclear weapons at any state. We hope that these commitments will give a new impetus to the global nuclear disarmament process. In this connection, we appreciate the ratification of the START II and its relevant protocols by the Russian State Duma, and urge the other state party to the treaty to complete its ratification procedure as soon as possible, so as to achieve the early entry-into-force and implementation of the treaty. We also expect the two states to negotiate and conclude new nuclear arms reduction treaties at an early date. This will create necessary conditions for other nuclear-weapon states to join the nuclear disarmament process, and will facilitate the realization of a nuclear-weapon-free world. I would like to emphasize that the principle of irreversibility should apply to the nuclear disarmament process. The nuclear weapons reduced according to disarmament agreements should be destroyed. If simply transferring nuclear warheads from deployment to reserve under constant maintenance for future redeployment, that cannot be regarded as nuclear disarmament in real sense.
As a nuclear-weapon state, China never evades its responsibility for and duty on nuclear disarmament. China has all along advocated the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons, and has unconditionally undertaken not to be the first to use nuclear weapons and not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states or nuclear-weapon-free zones. China keeps a limited and efficient nuclear force for the purpose of deterring any nuclear attack against China. China's nuclear weapons do not pose threat to any country. China has always supported international nuclear disarmament efforts. We are in favor of dealing with nuclear disarmament in the Conference on Disarmament. China took an active part in the CTBT negotiations and signed the treaty among the first group of states. The Chinese government has already submitted CTBT to the National People's Congress (NPC) for review and approval. We hope that the treaty will be smoothly ratified by the NPC, but we also expect other countries concerned to create necessary external conditions for the ratification.
China understands the good wishes of the large number of non-nuclear-weapon states on the issue of nuclear transparency. We are in favor of adopting appropriate and necessary transparency measures within the framework of eliminating nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, however, we hold that when addressing this issue, the enormous differences between nuclear-weapon states on nuclear strategy, nuclear force and security environment should be taken into consideration. Different states should be allowed to adopt different transparency measures at different stages. Only in such a way, can nuclear transparency measures really facilitate enhancing mutual trust and promoting security. Safeguarding and strengthening the strategic stability and the undiminished security for all states are the basic principles that must be followed.
Mr. Chairman,
China maintains that the early conclusion of a protocol to the BWC will be conducive to the strengthening and improvement of the international regime on the elimination and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. China is in favor of concluding the protocol negotiations before the convening of the BWC Fifth Review Conference. What is more important, however, is to conclude a good protocol. To achieve such a goal, all parties should make joint efforts, including demonstrating necessary flexibility. The protocol negotiations should follow the principle of equality and strike a balance between rights and obligations. Declaration and verification measures should be formulated according to objective, just and scientific criteria instead of the prejudice or subjective judgment of a few countries. Any attempt to inspect others while exempting oneself, or to conduct more inspections on others while less on oneself, will only hamper and mislead the negotiation. Promoting international cooperation in the field of biology is an important aspect for comprehensively enhancing the effectiveness of the BWC. The countries concerned should undertake to abolish those export control cartels that are incompatible with the BWC or its protocol. This issue relates to the equal rights for state parties and future universality of the protocol, therefore, its proper settlement will have decisive impact on whether the protocol can be concluded.
We are pleased to note that the implementation of CWC has been generally good despite various difficulties since its entry-into-force three years ago. This has been achieved due to the consistent support of the international community for the chemical weapon disarmament process, and the hard work of the Technical Secretariat of the OPCW. The Chinese government will, as always, continue to implement its legal obligations under the Convention in a comprehensive, serious and strict manner, so as to contribute to the early fulfillment of the purposes and objectives of the CWC. It is a major concern for China to seek quick and thorough elimination of all the chemical weapons abandoned by the Japanese troops in China, which are posing a serious threat to the Chinese people and environment. Since the Chinese and Japanese governments signed a memorandum on the destruction of the abandoned chemical weapons in July 1999, the two countries have cooperated well and made some progress in this field. However, the destruction process already lacks behind the schedule provided for in the Convention. We expect the Japanese government to make further efforts to thoroughly resolve this issue as soon as possible.
Mr. Chairman,
In recent years, the grave threat posed by small arms, especially by the illicit manufacture, trafficking and trade of small arms to social development, civilian safety and regional security has become a common concern of the international community. Efforts have been made at state, regional and global levels to resolve the problem. Some countries and regions have taken a series of unilateral or multilateral measures in light of their local conditions. Negotiations on the Firearms Protocol to the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime will be resumed this month in Vienna, with a view to its early conclusion. The international conference on the illicit trade of small arms in all its aspects will be held next year.
China is highly concerned about the suffering of the countries and regions concerned, especially those developing countries, caused by small arms. We fully understand the concerns of those countries on this problem and appreciate the efforts they have made to solve the problem. Proceeding from this position, China has actively participated in multilateral efforts to address the issue of small arms. It is our view that to resolve the complex issue of small arms, the international community should first urge all countries to improve and strengthen relevant national measures in light of their own conditions to keep small arms under effective control. Secondly, the international community should not limit their efforts to the problem itself, and more efforts should be made to eliminate the source of the problem. Thirdly, all countries, regions and international organizations should further strengthen their communication, coordination and cooperation. And fourthly, state sovereignty should be respected, and legitimate manufacture, possession and transfer of small arms should be protected.
Mr. Chairman,
Like other delegations, the Chinese delegation is deeply disappointed at and concerned about the fact that the Conference on Disarmament (CD) has once again been unable to carry out substantive work this year. As the single global multilateral disarmament negotiating body, the CD can not carry out its work in a vacuum. Any change in international security situation will certainly have influence on the work of the conference. Disarmament should contribute to the enhancement of universal security for all countries. It should not become the means and ways for a few countries to strengthen its own military superiority while restricting, weakening or depriving the defense capabilities of other countries. Naturally, this principle must be reflected in the work of the conference.
China believes that FMCT will be conducive to nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation. It supports, therefore, the early commencement and conclusion of the FMCT negotiations in the CD. This position remains unchanged. At same time, a series of negative developments, including the setback of CTBT and the attempt to overthrow the ABM treaty and develop NMD in particular, make people worry that the principles and objectives of FMCT are being compromised.
The UN General Assembly has for many years adopted by an overwhelming majority the resolution on the prevention of an arms race in outer space. The resolution clearly reiterates that the CD should play a key role in negotiating multilateral instruments on the prevention of an arms race in outer space, and requests the CD to set up as early as possible an ad hoc committee on outer space. No country has ever voted against this resolution in recent years. Only very few countries have obstructed the CD from carrying out work on this issue in accordance with the UNGA resolution. China is of the view that as global strategic balance and stability is under threat and an arms race in outer space imminent, the prevention of an arms race in outer space is more urgent and important than the FMCT negotiations.
In view of this, the CD should at least deal with the three major disarmament issues, namely, outer space, nuclear disarmament and FMCT in a balanced manner. China hopes that the CD will be able to work out a comprehensive and balanced work program next year so as to initiate negotiations on the three issues as early as possible.
Mr. Chairman,
Disarmament and security always complement each other. A favorable international security environment is the prerequisite of steady advancement of international disarmament efforts. Progress in the disarmament field gives impetus to the improvement of international security situation. Looking back over the past five decades, we can clearly find that international arms control and disarmament efforts have never ceased despite dramatic changes in international situation. From NPT and the ABM treaty concluded during the Cold War era, to the CWC and CTBT reached after the Cold War, all these achievements demonstrate mankind's unremitting pursuit of international peace and security through arms control and disarmament. These arms control treaties constitute an important part of the global architecture of collective security established after World War II. They have played and will continue to play a significant role in creating a stable and predictable international security environment. The approach to dismiss the treaties that the international community has worked for many years to conclude as "products of the Cold War"and call for their abandonment is neither just nor wise.
At present, the problem facing us is not whether we should abandon existing international arms control treaties, but rather how to consolidate existing arms control and disarmament achievements, deepen international cooperation in this field, and proceed to negotiate and conclude new arms control treaties. As a peace-loving country, China sincerely supports international arms control and disarmament efforts. Since ancient times, the Chinese people have adopted the philosophy of "peace is vital". They hope that the world is at peace and that they can live in harmony with people of other countries in the world. To concentrate its efforts on its modernization drive, China needs a long-term peaceful and stable international environment. China wishes to join efforts with other countries to promote steady and sound development of international arms control and disarmament process.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
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